Conference Program

In recent years, there has been a significant increase in research on China's environmental diplomacy in Central Asia. China's focus on Central Asia has not only been economic but also environmental. This paper will analyze China's environmental diplomacy in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan from two perspectives––the Chinese perspective and the Central Asian perspective. These perspectives will indicate what China and Central Asian countries can gain or lose through environmental diplomacy. The research problem is analyzed using content analysis, comparison, and qualitative methods with expert interview techniques. The research results are part of the “Environmental Diplomacy as a Soft Power Instrument: China and the Belt and Road Initiative” project.

Title: Global Energy Transition - Unraveling Disorder and Divergence

Abstract:

The global energy transition is a dynamic process aimed at shifting from traditional fossil fuels to cleaner energy sources, yet it grapples with inherent disorder and divergence. This paper explores manifestations of disorder, including conceptual ambiguity, North-South disparities, geopolitical hindrances, and skepticism towards climate-energy relations. Additionally, it delves into manifestations of divergence, examining technologically advanced nations' attitudes, strategies of fossil fuel-exporting nations, energy dependency in emerging economies, and the energy security needs of global southern nations. A central focus of the paper is the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on the energy transition, highlighting the vulnerability of renewable energy consumption during heightened geopolitical risks. The analysis encompasses the weaponization of energy and climate issues in this context. Looking towards the future, the paper anticipates complex trends in the energy transition intertwined with climate concerns, natural disasters, wars, food security, great power competition, and geopolitics. Destabilizing factors arising from these interactions are discussed, including the fate of oil-producing nations post-transition, sanctions against emission reduction non-compliance, and the implications of nuclear energy utilization on nuclear proliferation. In conclusion, the paper questions the imperative of a global energy transition and explores the possibility of a phased approach, maximizing climate benefits while reasonably utilizing global energy resources. The discussion addresses the potential outcomes for various stakeholders and outlines the challenges and opportunities ahead in navigating the intricate landscape of the global energy transition.

On January 1, 1994, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) declared war on the Mexican Government in the name of the country’s poor and oppressed. In the 25 years since, their strategy of resistance has become the north star for emergent struggles across the world. Echoes of the Zapatista strategy can be heard in Tahrir Square, Puerta del Sol and both Gezi and Zuccotti Park. Elements of Zapatista governance can be seen in #BlackLivesMatter, the umbrella movement, and even the “red state rebellion” of teachers across the South and Southwest of the US. As we enter into a period of increased militancy from the Left and the Right, it is critical to

understand the origin point of this long cycle of social movement-based resistance against neoliberalism and the attributes that connect this period of struggle. We contend that what looks like a series of distinct struggles and moments of resistance, are part of one epoch of contention, comprised of multiple shorter waves of resistance. This cycle originated with the Zapatistas, and importantly, it is keyed to the transformations of capitalism over the last fifty years and the correspondent emergence of new communication technologies that have transformed everyday life. Specifically, we investigate two dimensions of movement studies: the relationship between capitalism & class, and movement politics by drawing on the literature on social movement temporalities as an analytic bridge between those two.

International human rights shaming can destabilize autocratic regimes and potentially promote democracy, but its democratizing effect varies across regimes. I suggest that media freedom plays the role of a mediator in this dynamic. When the media is relatively free in an authoritarian regime, shaming appears to foster political liberalization; conversely, its impact is diminished or even reversed under conditions of stringent state-controlled media. A three-level hierarchical linear regression analysis on panel data encompassing 151 autocratic regimes within 100 countries from 1976 to 2000 substantiates my argument. Moreover, besides the significant within regime cluster effect of shaming and media freedom, the analysis also finds out the substantial between-group effect of media freedom and the contextual effects of both media and shaming, suggesting a more nuanced influence of these two predictors on democratization. This study has important implications for policy makers who are interested in democracy and human rights promotion; it also lays the foundation for further studies of comparative democratization.