Conference Program

In recent decades, we have observed significant re-evaluations of the international order, which result both from the dynamics of changes in the international environment, including the evolving global balance of power, but also from the political and economic reshuffles in the world. For many years, Latin America was absent from the debate on the Liberal International Order (ILO), but it was not indifferent to its functioning and development. Nowadays, we are in the process of diffusion of global powers and the emergence of new actors on the global chessboard who project their power more regionally. The current transition of the international order, with the reconfiguration of power relations, made Latin America to search for the new narratives and visions of the present agenda, including a process of revision or contestation of the ILO, as well as the emergence of new mechanisms and institutional spheres of cooperation. The aim of the presentation will be an attempt to find answers to the following research questions: How has the perception of the ILO in Latin America evolved in the XXI century? What are the main determinants of change, both internally and internationally? Is the US still the main point of reference for Latin American countries? Are there any serious alternatives for the ILO in the Latin American policy's agenda? How much Latin America represents the Global South approach to the issue? What role do Latin American countries see for themselves in the emerging global order and what can they bring to the debate?

This paper will be to analyze Mexico’s position vis-à-vis the hegemonic competition between China and the United States to better understand the country’s vision of the current international order. The paper will explain, first, what appears to be an inconsistent Mexican position regarding this hegemonic competition: on one hand, it defends international law by upholding national sovereignty, non-intervention and the protection of the civilian population from international crimes; however, on the other, it does not align automatically with the United States in its international positions in multilateral organizations. This will be done making a historical and contemporary analysis of Mexican foreign policy principles and its actions in multilateral and regional organizations.

Second, based on the previous analysis, it will seek to explain how this Mexican position reflects its interpretation of fundamental constitutive rules and norms of the international order, with the central objective of defending its national interest (i.e., containing great powers intervention —especially from the United States—, to maximize its autonomy and national sovereignty, as well as benefiting from a stable international system, but without assuming the costs of participating directly in international conflicts —especially those which are costly and perceived as distant from Mexican affairs). Finally, it will analyze how this strategy impacts its position on international institutions and multilateralism, as well as the country’s role in the international system, both globally and regionally.

Regarding international relations, the current scenario in Latin America is influenced by several factors. Russia's attempts to engage the region in its quest to end the Western-led liberal international order is one of them. In this context, while some countries, such as Mexico and Brazil, aspire to be recognized as rising powers from the Global South and build their foreign strategies accordingly, others prefer to remain within “medium-” and "small" power status. At the same time ─and despite ideological rotations of Latin American governments─ all Latin American states face a common challenge: adapting to constantly evolving international dynamics, in which Russia is playing the role of the major disrupter, in addition to building a solid regional position despite disparities in their international weight.

Against the above background, the "active non-alignment" strategy, which advocates for Latin American governments to independently set their foreign policy priorities, is widely debated. It is argued that the old order led by the United States and other Western powers is becoming obsolete and that new poles of world power are emerging, Russia being one of them. This presentation will examine how the leading emerging powers in Latin America perceive Russia's proposal to build a new world order in the context of Moscow’s effort to position itself as a part of the Global South. It will further explore how Russia’s call aligns with attempts to promote the policy of active non-alignment and adjustments to the regional and global security architecture.

During his previous presidential terms (2003-2010), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva made a name for himself as an ambitious leader seeking participation in discussions on the shape of the future international order, which made Brazil one of the key players in the Global South. One of the most ambitious initiatives to contribute to world peace was the nuclear swap deal negotiated alongside Turkey with Iran. It was the most visible manifestation of Brazil’s commitment to mediating in the Middle East, which the emerging power had also sought to engage in earlier years and even decades. Returning to power in 2023, President Lula da Silva stressed that he would try to rebuild Brazil’s image as a responsible international citizen. In addition to participating in environmental protection cooperation and climate change mitigation efforts, under the new leadership, Brazil also sought a return as a global mediator in the world’s major conflicts: the war in Ukraine and the Israel-Hamas war.

The paper seeks to assess the Brazilian proposals aimed at contributing to the peace dialogue, the reception with which these proposals have been met both in Brazil and internationally as well as the controversies involving the Brazilian point of view on both conflicts.