Conference Program

The Indo-Pacific region has become a focal point for global geopolitical and geoeconomic competition due to its strategic importance, economic potential, and emerging technological landscape. In this context, the collaborative initiatives between Japan and Europe in the Indo-Pacific, shed light on the broader implications for regional stability and global technology governance. The analysis focuses on Japan's Indo-Pacific foreign policy and Europe’s regional strategic interests, underlining their technological cooperation. This research proposal outlines a comprehensive study aimed at analyzing the complex dimensions of Japan-Europe collaborations in the Indo-Pacific framework at both the NATO level and EU level, with a focus on their technological cooperation in emerging and disruptive technologies (EDTs), geopolitical implications, and contributions to global power dynamics.

This paper explores the emerging dynamics of emerging Global South actors India and Brazil, in their convergence towards security, peace-building, cooperation and blue economy development in the Indian Ocean Region and the South Atlantic. Against the backdrop of evolving geopolitical challenges, it examines the interconnectedness of maritime security and collaborative initiatives. The analysis delves into the geopolitical landscape, emphasising the need for effective peace-building mechanisms and regional cooperation. It, furthermore, investigates the burgeoning blue economy in these strategic maritime zones, highlighting opportunities for sustainable development and economic growth. By examining the interplay between security, peace, cooperation, and the blue economy, this article provides valuable insights into the complexities and potential synergies that can shape the future of these vital regions.

The Indo-Pacific (IP) which brings two very diverse regions- the Indian and Pacific- into a singular regional construct is today, at the heart of global and regional power contestations. The meteoric ascendance of China on the global stage and its strong influence in the IP has not only engendered a race of local, regional, and extra-regional players to stake a claim in this geopolitically sensitive region but also an urgent need to securitize it.

Within the larger IP, the Indian Ocean (IO) has emerged as an important Regional Security Complex (RSC) wherein countries like India, China, and the US, but also European middle powers like France and the UK are seeking to expand their spheres of influence through multilateral mechanisms as well as other instruments of cooperation like mini laterals. This has led to the emergence of a nuanced Indian Ocean security architecture.

The UAE, India, and France trilateral that was signed in September 2022 on the sidelines of the UNGA, is an example of the increasing securitization of the IO, and in this case, more specifically of the Western Indian Ocean (WIO). Stretching from the Red Sea, along East Africa to the Gulf of Oman, the WIO links Africa, Asia, and the Middle East.

By applying the Regional Security Complex Theory to the UAE, India, and France trilateral, this paper will attempt to analyze the complex multi-layered security architecture of the IO and the interplay of the regional and global powers and levels.

Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy, published in 2022, confirmed administration’s shift of focus to the Indo-Pacific region and indicated efforts to build bridges between the Indo-Pacific and the Euro-Atlantic. The U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy not only stresses the importance of European engagement in the Indo-Pacific but also encourages more interaction among the U.S. Asian and European partners. For the Baltic States that perceive the U.S. as their main security guarantor, such U.S. foreign policy changes are worrisome since these small states aspire to maintain the U.S. interest and presence in Europe. On the other hand, bridging the Indo-Pacific and the Euro-Atlantic in the U.S. foreign policy for the Baltic States could become an opportunity to position themselves as valuable U.S. allies.

This paper focuses on the case of Lithuania and aims to explore Lithuania‘s approach to Transatlantic – Indo-Pacific nexus in the U.S. foreign policy. The paper argues that Lithuania‘s approach to transatlantic and Indo-Pacific nexus is driven by its attempts of shelter seeking. What are Lithuania‘s foreign and security policy priorities in Indo-Pacific region as opposed to transatlantic region? What steps have been taken by Lithuania to implement its interests in Indo-Pacific region as opposed to transatlantic region? What vulnerabilities and opportunities Lithuania is facing due to the increased importance of Indo-Pacific region in the U.S. foreign policy? In this context, what instruments does Lithuania use to promote its interests in Biden administration and to position itself as a valuable U.S. ally? These and other questions are analysed in the paper.

With China and the United States engaging in intense security competition with one another, the liberal international order is over, tensions in the Indo-Pacific region are rising, and Germany is developing a new strategy towards China. Although many other countries face the same challenge, Germany’s strategy is relevant not only for Germany, but also for other countries: in 2023 the German economy was the third-biggest in the world, and Germany is the most influential country of the European Union, which means it has the potential to influence the global balance of power.

I argue that, even though Germany sees China as a threat to its interests, it is following “only” a strategy of soft balancing against China. With this concept in mind, we are able to better understand the essence of the China strategy Germany has designed and followed since 2020.

This article contributes to the literature in two ways. Firstly, it demonstrate the usefulness of the concept of ‘soft balancing’ for research on secondary powers’ foreign policy in the face of great power competition. Secondly, it contributes to the literature on the evolution of Germany’s foreign policy since the end of the unipolar world order.