Conference Program

In microcosm physics, the principle of complementarity means compatibility of theoretical descriptions of the same phenomena. The thesis will be justified that in international relations, it can be applied to the multi-vector policy of certain countries that seek new relations with Russia and China without renouncing their affiliation to Western-oriented coalitions. It is very interesting that two very convincing examples of such type of complementarity are developing in the Balkans - the foreign policy of Turkey and Serbia. They break existing stereotypes: at present economic unions like the US-led West and the EU or SCO are acting as military units. They ask for punishment of their member-countries, which would like to cooperate with representatives of other unions. A coup has been made in Ukraine, because of the regime’s attempt to sit on two chairs. Is there a prospect of success for such a policy, especially when it comes to countries without a large military force and nuclear weapons? Turkey is rather an exception to the pattern of such behavior. We can expect that the complementarity principle could be established as a dominant value in the realization of the new pluralist model of international relations. The main factors determining this great transformation are the weakness of the present-day oligarchical model of our unbalanced world and the emergence of new great powers, willing to change its unjust structure.

In recent turbulent years of escalating international conflicts, the Serbian regime has managed to gain international support. The international community wrongly perceives Vučić a guarantor of stability and the Serbian opposition has almost no external support. The Serbian president is strengthening his power by using more and more undemocratic practices, which is unfortunately accepted by the West.

The European Union has had a significant impact on changes in ethnic policy in Bulgaria and Romania. Even before both countries joined the EU in 2007, changes in ethnic policy were one of the key accession conditions. The EU commission introduced a series of monitoring and assessment mechanisms to track progress in human rights and minority protection. In the case of Bulgaria, the EU demanded reforms to improve the situation of Roma, the second largest ethnic minority in the country. As a result, pre-integration programs were implemented to enhance access to education, healthcare, and employment for this minority. Additionally, the EU supported efforts to combat discrimination and violence against Roma. In Romania, the EU focused on protecting minority rights – specifically the Hungarian minority. As part of the accession process, Romania committed to implementing reforms to ensure equal rights for all citizens, regardless of their ethnic identity. The EU also supported the development of educational programs in the Hungarian language and promoting of the interethnic dialogue. A comparative analysis can highlight similarities and differences in these countries' approaches to minority rights protection. The aim is to assess these efforts and pointing out any failures 17 years after the accession. Furthermore, it can also demonstrate how the EU can act as a catalyst for change in ethnic policy.

This paper proposes an in-depth analysis of the foreign policy dynamics within Western Balkans states (specifically, Serbia, Kosovo and Montenegro) following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The region, historically marked by political instability and ethnic tensions, is now experiencing new pressures emanating from the West, primarily linked to the withholding EU’s loans and grants and potential blocking the process of Euro-Atlantic integration. These pressures have to be understood in the context of essentially inefficient Western strategy that combines elements of liberal interdependence and support of ‘stabilocracy’. A central focus will be on how Western Balkans governments strategically respond to these external pressures. Despite the overarching goal of EU integration, states in the region are faced with the challenge of appeasing domestic sentiments sympathetic to Russia while maintaining amicable relations with the West. The paper argues that governments in the Western Balkans adopt a temporizing strategy, attempting to buy time by engaging in a delicate balancing act between fulfilling EU criteria and addressing domestic pro-Russian sentiments. Through a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of key Western Balkans states, the research aims to shed light on the complexities of regional geopolitics.

Size matters in international relations. Due to their unique weaknesses, small states have different needs, adopt different foreign policies and find it more difficult to achieve their foreign policy goals than large states. The article focuses on the foreign policy difficulties and challenges of a small and new state, the Republic of Macedonia. The basic hypothesis is that not only the smallness but also the newness of the state is important. Macedonia became an independent state for the first time in the history of its nation.

As the status quo in the region changed, major powers began to redirect their interests to the Balkans and Macedonia. The link between regional (in)stability and external interventions determined the overwhelming dependency syndrome of the new state. The purpose of this article is to analyze the foreign policy choices and decisions of the Macedonian state since 1991, and to explain the path of the Republic of Macedonia towards its international recognition and affirmation, i.e. towards proving its existence as a subject of international law.