Conference Program

The African Union (AU) faces persistent structural and operational limitations in preventing and reacting to mass atrocities, despite its commitment to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm. These limitations stem from inherent discrepancies between the AU's institutional structure and the operational demands of R2P, hindering effective intervention at both prevention and reaction levels. Structurally, the AU's heterogeneity among member states and resource constraints pose significant obstacles to R2P implementation. This heterogeneity complicates consensus-building and resource allocation for prevention and reaction missions, while resource limitations limit the AU's ability to deploy troops rapidly and coordinate operations effectively. Operational difficulties, including the need for rapid deployment, effective coordination, and sustained logistical support, further exacerbate these structural challenges. The AU's capacity to meet these operational demands is often hamstrung by inadequate funding, limited training, and a lack of specialized expertise. To address these persistent limitations, a comprehensive reform strategy for the AU is proposed. This strategy envisions a structural transformation that aligns the AU's institutional framework more effectively with the operational demands of prevention and reaction to mass atrocities. Key elements of this transformation include strengthening the AU Peace and Security Council, enhancing political cohesion among member states, and establishing robust logistical and financial support systems. By implementing these strategic reforms, the AU can effectively fulfill its R2P commitments, position itself as a more influential actor in regional and global security governance, and contribute to enhancing international humanitarian intervention and bolstering regional security frameworks.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the mechanisms possessed and subsequently applied by the Organization of American States (OAS) in order to respond to the democratic crises in Venezuela and Nicaragua. In both countries the political actions of incumbent presidents, Nicolas Maduro and Daniel Ortega respectively, were condemned by regional and international organizations, including the OAS. In response, Venezuela and Nicaragua submitted requests to withdraw from the institution, accusing it of intervening in the matters of sovereign states. These events can be considered unprecedented as membership-restricting tools had been applied solely from the top-bottom perspective. These were the cases of Cuba (1962) and Honduras (2009) that were suspended as members of the OAS in order to condemn the then new governments in power and pressure both countries into acting in accordance with the principles of the OAS.

The main argument of this paper is the following: the OAS bases its stances and actions taken to respond to the democratic crises in the ever-present and evolving notion of interventionism. In order to defend this argument, the Author of this paper attempts to answer the following research questions:

What are the principles of the OAS and how effective are the applied tools in order to respond to the democratic crises?;

What is the place of membership-restricting mechanisms used by the OAS, both past and present?;

What are the limits and challenges faced by the OAS in order to solve regional democrating crises based on its approach towards Venezuela and Nicaragua?

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has 57 member states and shares three members with the Council of Europe. It aims to promote Islamic solidarity and enhance economic and social development. While the OIC has taken steps to address human rights issues, its approach and effectiveness have been subject to criticism from other international organizations, such as the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly and the European Court of Human Rights.

The OIC adopted the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (CDHRI) in 1990. This declaration outlines human rights principles based on Islamic law (Sharia) and differs in some aspects from international human rights standards. The OIC established the Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission (IPHRC) in 2011, aiming to promote and protect human rights in the member states. The IPHRC started revising OIC human rights documents, including CDHRI.

CDHRI was adopted as the OIC Cairo Declaration on Human Rights (OCDHR) in 2020. In the same year, the OIC established the Women Development Organization (WDO) and published the draft revised version of the Covenant on the Rights of the Child in Islam (CRCI).

Few scholars analyzed the revision and the text of OCDHR, and there is a gap in the OIC's approach to human rights beyond 2020.

This paper will analyze OIC activities and documents, focusing on Children's and Women's rights since 2020, to understand how much they have become compatible with international norms. This will include analyzing concept papers by IPHRC, WDO events, and the draft revised version of the CCRI.