Conference Program

Turkish policymakers have been concerned about the Kurdish economic and political gains in Iraq and more recently in Syria since the emergence of the Kurdish nationalist movement in the region, thinking that such developments might trigger similar attempts at autonomy or independence among Turkey’s own Kurdish population. Indeed, Turkish officials have historically perceived the possible emergence of an independent Kurdistan as a threat to Turkey’s national security.

However, Turkish policymakers have also pursued a policy of engagement with the Iraqi and Syrian Kurds from time to time. The literatures on contested territories, secession, and countersecession discuss these policies mainly within the context of “engagement without recognition”, referring to states’ interactions with contested authorities without accepting their independent or autonomous status. However, Turkey’s policy towards the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq and the PYD/YPG in Syria from the beginning of the Kurdish Opening in 2009 to the end of the Resolution Process in 2015, constituted a distinct type of interaction where Turkish policymakers engaged with the Iraqi and Syrian Kurdish actors not to preempt their recognition completely or maintain relations in short of recognition, but to ensure that their official status evolve within the constraints of Turkey’s national interests, i.e., through a policy of constrained recognition. Considering the Turkish experience, this paper discusses alternative courses of action vis-à-vis contested authorities in a world where the number of secessionist territories has been increasing and contributes to the growing debates about the conditions under which states pursue different policies towards contested entities.

The article will explore the current narratives regarding the South Atlantic peace and security framework presented in the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS). This study has two aims: 1) To map the presence of both extra-regional and non-state actors in the South Atlantic region, 2) Examine the ZOPACAS’ role in South Atlantic regional security governance. In the 21st Century, peace and security are not only seen as the realm of state actors, but of new and emerging agencies, both legal and illegal, formal and informal, state and non-state. We ask: Who are the most relevant actors to bear in mind when talking about peace and security in the South Atlantic? Have the power structures changed over the years? If so, how? By considering the influence of new actors and practices in peace and security, and the changing political contexts for regional cooperation, we argue that regional foreign policy thus becomes less predictable.

This paper addresses changes in international security in the 2020s following the rising impact and influence of non-state actors on the security and stability of regional and international systems. Several Middle Eastern countries and international maritime navigation in the region are being threatened by violent non-state actors after state actors have failed to halt the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, which started in October 2023 and has caused thousands of Palestinian civilian casualties. Violent non-state actors such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthi movement have gained more leverage to bring an end to the war, jeopardizing the security and stability of the Middle East. This rising influence likewise poses a threat to international security and exacerbates the complexity and uncertainty of international relations due to the lack of reliability among these unofficial actors within the international system, who implement plans to serve national interests of the regional states backing them. International security cannot be achieved without peaceful international relations between state actors, not between state actors and violent non-state actors. Thus, this paper will discuss the roots of the dilemma that has led to the rise of violent non-state actors such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthi movement during the transition from a unipolar to a multipolar world. The paper seeks to gain a deeper understanding of the threats and challenges facing international security and to provide recommendations for the future containment of such threats.