Conference Program

This paper introduces a novel conceptual framework within the realm of international relations, specifically focusing on criminal non-state actors (CNSAs) and their impact on global dynamics. The intensification of globalization in the post-Soviet era has facilitated the transcending of state boundaries by criminal entities, leading to a notable surge in unlawful activities. Organized crime has become a prominent facet in contemporary international relations, necessitating state responses through both domestic policies and international collaborations. The framework proposed in this study delineates CNSAs as a distinct subset among non-state actors, challenging conventional classifications as "violent" or "armed" non-state actors. The argument unfolds across three sections, disputing the sole association of non-state actors with violence, delineating the unique features of CNSAs compared to other armed/violent non-state actors, and emphasizing the importance of understanding their transnational operations, contributing to a redefined understanding of these influential actors in the global landscape. As examples for the conceptual framework, we conclude briefly discussing the case of Primeiro Comando da Capital (First Capital Command) in South America, showing how it can be labeled as a CNSA with transnational reach.

Democracy is under assault globally, and Latin America has suffered a greater democratic decline than any other region over the past twenty years. There are numerous cases of the erosion of Latin American democracies, such as Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba. Even in relatively stable democracies flaws within the system can be exacerbated by external shocks (natural disasters, pandemics or economic crises) and exploited by would-be autocrats.

In this context, the example of Poland and neighbouring Central European countries that have undergone democratic changes and economic transformation since 1989 and in the decade of the 1990s is a valuable guide for Latin American countries. The further history of democracy in the Central European region points to potential dangers and suggests how to deal with the challenges.

In her speech, the author will point out the similarities and differences between regions in terms of democratization. It will show especially why strengthening democratic institutions is critical to reversing the trend of democratic decline across the Latin American region.

Historically, the relationship between Peru, Bolivia and Chile has been difficult. Although there have been areas of cooperation at the bilateral and multilateral levels -mainly developed since the last decade of the last century- the relation has been determined by dynamics that have hindered the rapprochement of the three countries.

This article aims to demonstrate that these competitive dynamics throughout the 19th and 20th centuries were trinational in nature and that they are still present in the 21st century with a negative impact. However, at the present time there is also a trinational agenda that allows us to think the relationship between Peru, Bolivia and Chile in cooperative terms. This perspective is necessary so that the three countries can jointly satisfy their common interests, principally those that arise at the border level.

This presentation revisits the link between war and state building offering an account that fits a hard case for bellicist theories of state formation: Latin America. I argue that amidst the fog of war both weak and strong states mobilise and build capacity but the fortuitous outcome of war that will determine the survival of otherwise contingent wartime institutions in the long-term. While victorious states are legitimised and consolidate their wartime coalitions, the opposite happens upon defeat, leading to protracted declines in state capacity. In nineteenth-century Latin America states systematically survived frequent and severe warfare providing an ideal setting to compare the long-lasting effects of war outcomes. I offer a historical account of major wars, show how international threats systematically triggered state building, and demonstrate that victors and losers were set into divergent trajectories that rigidified into the twentieth century, when wars were conspicuously absent.

The paper aims to propose an overview of different contributions on the "ungoverned areas" literature. Most of them, have a liberal and institutional perspective, focusing on law enforcement, or in "state reform" solutions. Some of the terms used, such as "black spots"or "brown zones", could even be considered racist terms. So, this research aims to add the structural social and economic perspective under which it`s possible to understand the social context of territorial conformations. Throught three different study cases, Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, it`s possible to see the internal movements made by violent non-state actors in Colombia, after the Peace Agreements, as it`s possible to see the spread of most organized non-state violent groups PCC and Comando Vermelho (CV) in Brazil, and, finally and most recently, to understand the dynamics that lead to an increase of 300% of the violence in Ecuador this last year. Taking into considerarion similarities and differences among the study cases, it`s possible to see that all of them have in commom social and economic fragilities, under a historical perspective.