Conference Agenda

In nascent policy subsystems, political actors have a hard time identifying coalition partners, given that knowledge about subsystem boundaries (both in terms of relevant issue and actors) are unknown, and the belief systems and policy preferences of potential coalitions partners (as well as opponents) are difficult to assess. Actors in such subsystems are known to rely on prior knowledge and deep core beliefs for forming coalitions. With developing coalition structures, actors are further known to rely on the devil shift as a cue to structure the actor constellations and coalitions around them. In this paper, we trace the development of actor constellations and coalitions in two nascent subsystems, that is, AMR policy in Germany and Switzerland. We re-construct actor coalitions based on actors’ shared problem perceptions, actors’ shared blame attribution to others, actors’ shared solution propositions, and actors’ shared responsibility attributions to others. We expect coalitions to start forming based on the first, and continue forming around the four dimensions over time, in the order we discuss. Methodologically, we rely on texts from public media (two newspapers per country / subsystem) that we coded and transform into networks of actors’ similar profiles with respect to problems, blame, solutions, and responsibility. We thus analyse four network layers over four periods, in two subsystems that differ on the institutional setup but share the substantive issue of AMR.

This study examines how the European Union's messages have been disseminated in the United Kingdom over five years using a network-based approach to analyse their representation in three selected newspapers (The Times, The Guardian and Metro). By integrating text mining, natural language processing, and social network analysis, the structure, diffusion, and reception of EU-related discourse in British media were investigated.

It is argued that this representation played a substantial role in fostering anti-EU sentiment, ultimately leading to Brexit. Amid challenges in EU communication and anti-EU feelings on the rise, alongside notable divisions within the bloc, there is an urgent call to gain a more thorough understanding of these developments. This study addresses this urgency by examining the dynamics between EU communication and the perspectives presented in the media.

While existing research has extensively explored the portrayal of the EU in the press and media discourse (Coleman et al., 2022; Krzyżanowski, 2019; Maccaferri, 2019; Simpson & Startin, 2022; Walter, 2019; Zappettini & Krzyżanowski, 2019), very little attention has been paid to the relationship with the EU’s own communication efforts. Previous studies have explored aspects such as framing, discourse, patterns and external drivers of media coverage (Brosius et al., 2019; Gattermann, 2013; Schuck et al., 2014; Vliegenthart et al., 2008), as well as looked into messages sent by the European Commission (Rauh, 2022). While insightful, existing research has predominantly focused on media-centric analyses, overlooking the influence of the EU's communication strategies on media portrayal and vice versa. This study explores this interplay, particularly in the pre- and post-Brexit landscape, to uncover the dynamics of this interrelationship.

Drawing upon previous agenda-setting research and employing a network theory approach, this study examines communication dynamics during the Brexit negotiations. It identifies key actors and recurring narratives that have shaped public perceptions of the EU, while also tracing how messages spread across various news sources. Additionally, the research explores the role of intermedia agenda-setting in shaping media coverage. Through network visualisation and centrality measures, the study reveals clusters within the networks, finds co-occurring themes and ideological alignments, and the impact of the EU’s communication on media framing. The investigation is grounded in the examination of the EU's communication and publications in the British media, spanning the period pre- and post-Brexit, up to the Windsor Framework agreement (2018 – 2023).

The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of how institutional messaging operates within national media ecosystems, shedding light on the mechanisms of information diffusion and public discourse formation, as well as organisations’ agenda-building powers. This study also advances methodological discussions on the integration of network theory and text analysis, demonstrating their potential for examining media influence and information flows. Finally, it uncovers the complex network of political communication dynamics during a period of significant geopolitical change.

In the aftermath of violent intergroup conflicts, this article examines the role of interpersonal discussion networks in shaping intergroup contact and collective action. Taking a cue on discussion networks for political action, the paper underscores the significance of localized, interpersonal communication channels in providing new insights into the conflict-related beliefs of both minority and majority groups.

These networks are thought to foster social embeddedness by influencing individuals' worldviews and sense of agency, while facilitating ongoing social interactions that serve both as conduits and filters for information. Through the exchange of ideas and information, discussion networks create opportunities for action, emphasizing the well-documented impact of political discussions on mobilization.

Using a unique dataset on interpersonal communication (N= 1500) in Sri Lanka (2017–2020), we first map these discussion networks and describe their characteristics—specifically, whom individuals talk to and the issues they discuss. Second, we analyze the features of discussion networks within minority and majority groups to reveal their correlation with beliefs and forms of action. Our preliminary findings suggest that network size negatively influences the attitudinal openness of minority groups, while a growing subset of discussion partners focused on the war increases support for compensatory rights and preferential policies. Ultimately, the study of these networks contributes to building resilience against ethnic opposition in post-conflict environments.

Despite the increasing scholarly attention to relational dynamics concerning the coordination of transboundary crisis responses, we still have too little evidence concerning the evolution of the structures managing these incidents. To address this literature gap, this study examines the humanitarian responses to two emergencies caused by two of the deadliest disasters affecting the Southern Hemisphere in recorded history, namely Cyclones Idai and Kenneth in 2019 and Cyclone Freddy in 2023. More specifically, it compares the policy networks involved in the reactions to these episodes in Mozambique. The analysis will specifically focus on how the EU Member States and supranational organizations coordinated themselves and with other actors during these episodes. While longitudinal crisis network studies are rare due to their demanding data collection requirements, they allow for linking structural changes over time to different policy outcomes. To do so, this paper relies on a combination of Temporal Exponential Random Graph Models (TERGMs) and semi-structured interviews. Data was extracted from a survey distributed among individuals managing these episodes. This study has relevant implications for practitioners and theorists alike, since it provides a greater understanding of the extent to which transboundary crisis network managers replicate successful patterns and apply lessons learned from previous incidents.