The introduction and adoption of new technologies continually transforms informal and formal political institutions, and perhaps nowhere has this happened faster than digital technologies, which have transformed how and with whom we communicate, argue, and act, i.e., our processes of political opinion and will formation. The rapid digital technological transformations put stress on the political practices, concepts, and beliefs that have developed historically in tandem with their technology. This paper focuses on the concept of sovereignty, which has taken on different meanings over time and often works as fuzzy concept, and how it has been, and perhaps should be, transformed by digital technologies.
The concept of sovereignty has taken on several different forms: as what arises when an association of households agrees to act together; as the ultimate and absolute authority, obtained voluntarily or through force; or as the expression of general will. In modern times, it also has developed an attitude of deference for states for self-rule or self-determination. Similarly, how formal political processes legitimately confer sovereignty to select individuals has been theorized differently over time in different forms of government. These variations have taken place even in the presence of one important element of stability: it has nearly always arisen among people who live in the same area who share at least some interests and concerns.
This research traces three main historical senses – Aristotle, Thomas Hobbes, and Carl Schmitt – and its pluralist and political expressions after World War II. Technological transformations, especially those arising from digital technologies, weaken the social bonds among those residing in the same place: networks that bridge distance and cultures are formed, actors increasingly are mediated by technology and commodified, and the geopolitical space more active and varied than ever before. Politics, internal and geopolitical, is increasingly complex, in flux, and confusing. Put in Dewey’s terms, digital technologies generate expansive and multiple networks, and within them domains and subdomains, that have led to a multitude of “publics” motivated by different “problems.”
This recognition of a new sociotechnical reality leads to understanding sovereignty between nation-states as necessary but substantially weaker than what was present in a world governed by mechanical technology, with increased difficulty determining the degree to which citizens support their government’s geopolitical acts. The nature of sovereignty in internal affairs seems to demand an embrace of subsidiarity, allowing self-determination on appropriate items, and perhaps the formation of new forms of publics that do not depend on geography, which already aligns with recent changes in the “public sphere” as theorized by Jürgen Habermas that do not have a formal connection to the formal political system.
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