Conference Program

Racial miscegenation and the absence of a legal framework that explicitly discriminated against black people fuelled the idea of Brazil as a racial democracy (Freyre 1933), characterised by a “paradisiac innocence, with respect to differences of race” (Park 1942, p.xix). For over half a century, when claims of racial superiority and apartheid regimes seemed to be the norm across continents, the myth that races in Brazil coexisted harmonically was well spread worldwide (Telles 2004). While Freyre’s writing offered formidable opposition to the spread of scientific racism in the 20th century (Skidmore 2002), it also fostered a romanticised view of Brazil as a country which had no racial problems. Race dynamics were, however, far from innocent. Skin colour patterned a range of socioeconomic inequalities in Brazilian society, challenging the long-standing perception of Brazil as a symbol of social justice with respect to race. Pervasive and persistent racial inequalities with low social mobility of non-white population came to be widely documented (Ribeiro 2006). Yet, for long time, the significance of racial disparities failed to be fully appreciated, as these were masked by, confounded with and blamed upon inequalities along other socioeconomic axes such as wealth and class – leading to an underestimation of the crucial role of race in shaping Brazilian society (Valente 2017). This paper examines racial inequalities in educational attainment in Brazil. Specifically, we use multiple waves of national secondary-school exams data (N>9 million), and employ fixed-effect and Oaxaca-Blinder-decomposition regressions to investigate racial educational gaps between Blacks, Mixed-race and Whites. Beyond its size and coverage, our data is of particular significance as this exam plays a critical role for university admission. Aiming to increase access to higher education by allowing students to apply to universities across Brazil (Mello 2022), it is a vital tool to provide educational opportunities and enable social mobility in a country marked by striking socioeconomic inequalities. We find that outcomes are markedly lower for both Blacks and Mixed-race compared to Whites. Although a substantial portion of racial disparities can be attributed to socioeconomic status, racial inequalities persist after controlling for socioeconomic, demographic and contextual characteristics, as well as when looking at specific subsamples which are homogeneous across socioeconomic lines. We also find support for the so-called ‘mulatto escape hatch’ hypothesis, namely the existence of a significant difference in outcomes between Blacks and Mixed-race – originating in the latter’s possible lower exposure to discrimination practices compared to Blacks. Mixed-race students have higher scores compared to Blacks: differences are small in magnitude but robust and statistically significant, and are more marked amongst those in higher socioeconomic strata as well as in Southeastern and Southern regions. In addition, over the decade under consideration, the Black-Mixed gap appears to have widened. Beyond the assessment of racial disparities in Brazilian education, our paper therefore also contributes to the methodological debate on whether to conceptualize race as a three-tiered or a binary (non-white-white) categorisation for the purposes of research and policy, illustrating that treating non-whites as a monolith can ignore important nuances.

This paper analyses educational poverty in the Abruzzo region. It begins by situating Abruzzo within the national and European context, drawing on the BES territorial reports for Abruzzo (ISTAT, 2025) and cross-referencing this data with national and European indicators of educational inequality (ISTAT, 2024–2025; EU Education and Training Monitor, 2025). The study then maps the structural dimensions of educational disadvantage in the region, revealing its liminal position: Abruzzo ranks last among the more developed Centre-North regions yet first among the more disadvantaged regions of the Mezzogiorno. Overall, its indicators compare favourably with those of the southern regions — most notably an early school leaving rate of 8%, which falls below the EU target of 9%.

Second, narrowing the focus to the intra-regional level, the paper disaggregates the dropout rate variable to highlight significant internal disparities among Abruzzo's provincial capitals — particularly between the city of L'Aquila and peripheral areas — including disparities in the availability of early childhood education services (24.5% coverage, against the EU benchmark of 33%). Disparities between urban and rural areas are similarly examined, where the 33% threshold remains a distant target.

The paper then turns to regional measures countering educational poverty, including interventions funded by the PNRR (84 institutions, €8.76 million). Notable examples include third-sector projects promoted by Con i Bambini and Openpolis (2022) and the community education model Voci di Cura. The quantitative and qualitative outcomes of these initiatives are assessed across several dimensions: skills and learning, early childhood service coverage, NEET rates by area and gender, adult participation in education, and both explicit and implicit dropout.

A further issue the paper addresses is the considerable burden placed on families — and at times on individuals — in managing educational risk. Tackling educational poverty in Abruzzo therefore calls for interventions capable of building a collaborative network that integrates school institutions, third-sector organisations, local welfare systems, and community stakeholders, operating through territorialised pedagogical models designed to counter the social reproduction of educational disadvantage.

At the theoretical level, the paper draws on Bourdieu and Passeron's (1970) theory of cultural reproduction, Lareau's (2003) concept of concerted cultivation, the capability approach (Sen, 1999; Nussbaum, 2011), the educating community paradigm (Dewey, 1916; Frabboni, 2005), and recent literature on European learning cities and regions (OECD, 2013; UNESCO).

The Italian education system is marked by profound territorial divides that affect students' access, educational quality, and learning outcomes. For over two decades, national and international surveys have highlighted the persistence of a fracture between the North and South of the country, which intersects with the divide between inner areas and urban centers. In these regions, declining birth rates, demographic aging, and migratory flows towards urban hubs generate a structural decrease in school enrollments, exposing small school facilities to the risk of closure and leading to an increase in multigrade classes.

This study aims to analyze the organizational and pedagogical strategies implemented by schools with stable multigrade classes working in synergy with local authorities. The objective is to understand how such collaborations ensure the sustainability and functionality of educational outposts in fragile territories.

Utilizing a case study methodology, the research identified five distinct experiences, structuring the analysis along two complementary dimensions: firstly, the analysis of local governance and the decision-making mechanisms adopted to address the demographic challenge; secondly, the analysis of the educational provision developed by schools, focusing on their capacity to innovate and diversify educational pathways to make them more aligned with local socio-territorial needs and, simultaneously, more attractive to families. The investigation intends to provide a comprehensive framework of the policies enacted at the local level, analyzing how schools can act as central players in policies aimed at countering territorial marginalization. Ultimately, the analysis will outline both the success factors attributable to the effectiveness of the institutional network and those linked to the pedagogical and didactic innovation put into practice by the school.

In China, the Gaokao has become a universally accepted and legitimized educational selection mechanism and a crucial vehicle for meritocracy. As a result, 'education changes fate' has evolved into ‘Gaokao changes fate’ (Howlett, 2021) — the belief that diligence and academic effort can transform one’s fate, particularly for rural students from disadvantaged backgrounds. Rural female students have historically been celebrated as the most diligent embodiment of this meritocratic ideal, outworking their male and urban counterparts in pursuit of upward mobility (Howlett, 2023; Gu and Jean Yeung, 2021; Wang, 2017). However, the ongoing devaluation of educational credentials and decreasing educational mobility have further eroded the myth that diligence for the Gaokao can change one’s fate.

In response, this study examines how rural female students experience, negotiate, and respond to the disillusionment of meritocracy in their daily school lives. This study draws on semi-structured interviews with 20 female students from two lowest-performing classes, a science track (n=10) and an arts track (n=10), in an elite county-level high school in central-southern China.

Hence, the study finds that female students have developed different educational attitudes and strategies in response to their disillusionment with meritocracy. First, some students who believe in the value of education engage in covert studying, as showing effort openly carries negative social connotations and invites mockery. Second, some students skip exams to avoid confronting their poor performance. Third, others cheat in exams, not because they value education, but to meet parental expectations. Fourth, some students leave campus during self-study sessions — eating out, playing billiards, or visiting cafés — as a way of stepping away from school life. Finally, a small number remain enrolled but stop attending school and work outside instead, showing a complete rejection of the educational system.

Meritocracy is the belief that all individuals are responsible for and capable of activating their merit through hard work, enabling them to succeed in life (Littler, 2017). Several studies have documented how meritocratic beliefs are widely held in contemporary higher education, including the study of assumptions about who deserves to participate in and succeed in higher education (or in the most prestigious institutions) (Poulsen, 2026; Varriale and Franceschelli, 2025; Jin and Ball, 2019; Warikoo, 2018), or how far the values of excellence, prestige and success should drive higher education systems (Reeves and Friedman, 2024; Sandel, 2020). Less academic attention has been paid to how meritocratic beliefs are lived, experienced and interpreted by individuals during their academic journeys.

In this paper, I draw on Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, field and doxa to examine how undergraduate students from different social-class backgrounds at an elite university in England experienced and made meaning of the dominant meritocratic doxa. The paper relies on primary data collected through an online questionnaire (n=450) and semi-structured, in-depth qualitative interviews (n=25) with working- and middle-class undergraduate students from diverse academic disciplines at one Russell-Group university in England. The paper presents partial findings from an ongoing mixed-methods comparative case study conducted at two universities in England aimed at exploring how meritocratic beliefs are reproduced at elite and non-elite universities.

By focusing particularly on the concept of doxa (Bourdieu, 1999, 2000) (the set of beliefs and assumptions understood as natural or ‘taken-for-granted’), the paper uncovers the complex reflective and affective processes through which meritocratic experiences are interpreted. In doing so, it contributes to ongoing debates about how meritocratic beliefs are socially perpetuated and the prominent roles that elite and educational fields play in this process.

More than three decades after the end of apartheid, South Africa continues to grapple with enduring patterns of racial and class inequality within its schooling system. While national education policy formally commits to the principle of non-racial education, the persistence of white-majority enrolments in many former white schools raises critical questions about the democratic transformation of schooling. This study examines the micropolitics of school re-segregation in elite schools located in the affluent southern suburbs of Cape Town. The research forms part of a broader investigation into the politics of school admissions and seeks to explain how historically privileged schools sustain racial and socio-economic exclusivity despite the policy framework of post-apartheid democratic education.

The study draws on a two-year qualitative investigation involving intensive interviews with principals and admissions officers from thirty former white schools. The sample was deliberately structured to include schools across a spectrum of socio-economic contexts, ranging from wealthy institutions with predominantly white enrolments and high school fees, to middle-class schools with smaller white majorities, and lower-middle-class schools that have experienced re-segregation as predominantly black institutions with relatively low school fees. This sampling strategy enabled comparative insights into how elite schools maintain racial and class privilege while other former white schools undergo demographic transformation.

Data collection integrated multiple sources to capture the complex processes shaping admissions decisions. These included in-depth interviews with school administrators responsible for admissions, focus group discussions with teachers and parents, analysis of government enrolment data disaggregated by race, geographic analysis of school locations and socio-economic neighbourhoods, examination of admissions policy documents obtained from school records and websites, and interviews with estate agents who often influence parental school choice through residential “steering”. Thematic analysis of interview transcripts and policy documents was combined with statistical analysis of enrolment patterns to develop a comprehensive understanding of how admissions processes operate in practice.

Using the metaphor of a spiderweb, the study demonstrates how these mechanisms, often embedded in admissions policies, language requirements, feeder systems, and residential patterns, operate simultaneously and reinforce one another. While each instrument may appear neutral when considered individually, together they create a powerful structure that shapes access to elite schooling. Drawing on interest convergence theory, the study suggests that these micropolitical practices are sustained by broader macro-political arrangements that emerged during South Africa’s democratic transition.

Within the broader theme of reimagining democracy in schools, the study highlights the tensions between formal democratic ideals and the lived realities of schooling structures that continue to reproduce inequality. The findings suggest that meaningful democratic renewal requires more than policy commitments; it demands critical engagement with the organisational and governance practices that shape access to educational opportunity.

By illuminating the micropolitical mechanisms through which privilege is reproduced, this study contributes to ongoing debates on how democratic participation, institutional accountability, and policy reform might foster more inclusive schooling environments in post-apartheid South Africa.