The aim of this paper is to test the post-modernisation thesis by examining the relationship between social cohesion and education in Europe. Social cohesion is considered as a multidimensional concept (Chan and Chan, 2006) and is measured by a set of indicators on attitudes and behaviours that take into account social connectedness in different spheres of life and people's subjective representation of the functioning of the whole society and its institutions. Following Dickes and Valentova (2013), we identify four main dimensions of social cohesion: institutional trust, solidarity, political participation and socio-cultural participation.

The main research question concerns the relationship between educational attainment and social cohesion, and its interaction with country-level characteristics. From previous literature (Whelan and Maître, 2005; Vergolini, 2011) we know that the economic sphere, measured by social class and economic condition, has a positive effect on social cohesion. This means that people with a better social position tend to have, on average, higher levels of social cohesion in several European countries. In this paper, we would like to change this view by focusing on the cultural basis of social stratification (i.e., education) and not only on the economic aspects. Theoretically, the transition to a modern society should imply a decline in the relevance of economic resources in shaping lifestyles and opportunities (Kalmijn and Kraaykamp, 2007). Moreover, modernisation theory suggests that the role of economics should be replaced by knowledge and cognitive skills. This means that education should play a crucial role in influencing the level of social cohesion in more modern countries. In the light of these arguments, the following research hypotheses are formulated:

1. The level of education influences the dimensions of social cohesion, and this effect is stronger in more modernised countries.
2. The role of education is more relevant than that of social class, especially in more modernised countries.

Data from the European Value Study are analysed using multilevel models for the first hypothesis. We use this type of model to identify the role of individual and contextual characteristics and their interactions. In the framework of this paper, the crucial contextual variable is represented by the level of modernisation, measured by GDP per capita, the percentage of people employed in the services sector and the Human Development Index. For the second hypothesis, we need to decompose the direct and indirect effects of education and social class in order to understand which of the two is more relevant in shaping social cohesion. To answer this research question, we rely on a multi-group structural equation model that allows for the aforementioned decomposition according to clusters of countries ranked by their level of modernisation.

Preliminary results show that higher levels of education are associated with greater participation in social and political life. Moreover, if we use the Human Development Index and the share of people employed in the service sector as a measure of modernisation, we find that the differences between the different levels of education tend to be greater in more modern countries.

In Italy, there has been a recent resurgence of the generational approach and related issues (ISTAT, 2016; Casavecchia, 2021). While questions persist about the duration, definition, and labeling of generations, various studies seek distinctive criteria, often linking the concept of generation to that of cohort (necessary for statistical analyses). Using data from the European Social Survey (ESS), waves 8, 9, and 10 (2018, 2020, and 2022) were analyzed to examine differences in values between generations. A first goal is to understand if these differences can serve as a distinguishing criterion and a second is instead to address the lack of literature on generational differences in basic human values (Lyons et al., 2005). The differences that can be identified are not so much to distinguish the Baby Boomers from X-ers but rather for recent generations like X and Y, where agency and individuality in world perception may be crucial for differentiation (Lyons et al., 2007; Robinson, 2013). This work aims to compare the basic human values attitudes of these generations, as these may change over time. By Basic Human Values, we refer to the Shalom H. Schwartz’s theory (1992, 2003; Schwartz et al., 2012), currently part of the ESS questionnaire. These seem to be a key element in describing beliefs, attitudes, and opinions at the individual or collective level (Davidov, 2010; Fischer, 2012; Cieciuch et al., 2017). The Human Values theory seems to fit well with the theory of generations and can be useful in identifying those who have not experienced sudden changes historically (Casavecchia, 2021). Following L. Chisholm's thesis (2023), if it is true that the faster the change, the shorter a generation lasts, then values may be a key element in understanding increasingly less pronounced generational differences. Using the cohort tool to identify statistically observable groups, five different cohort-generations were considered: the "Reconstruction" generation (which includes those born between 1927 and 1948), the Baby Boom generation (including those born between 1948/49 and 1968), X (those born between 1968/69 and 1979), Y (between 1979/80 and 1995) and Z (the latter probably still emerging, including those born between 1995/96 and 2008).

Generations and their value differences were observed at the mono and bivariate levels descriptively. Taking into particular consideration the role of education, generations were also observed at the multivariate level, comparing them first with the same educational level and then, by educational level achieved. In summary, first between generation and within the level of education, and then between level and within generation, attempting to determine the background and factors influencing these value differences. Values were constructed from the 21 items in the ESS database. Using the Principal Component Analysis (PCA), the 10 underlying dimensions and then the 4 highest Values encapsulating them (Openness to change vs. Conservatism and Self-Transcendence vs. Self-Enhancement) were identified. The role of education were fundamental in the analysis, as we are aware of its potential in terms of changing values, attitudes, and expectations (Rokeach, 2008).

The social logic of singularization (Reckwitz 2020) has a significant impact on socialization and educational processes. This constant search for uniqueness involves transversally the schooling system, also affecting the representation of talent. On the one hand, the expectation that student being unique imposes talent as a new educational standard; on the other hand, meritocratic logic attempts to create egalitarian and general basis. The general-particular logic (ibidem) involves both categories of talent and merit, creating overlaps on the identity construction of students. The objective of this contribution is to discuss the relationship between the singularity of talent and the generality of meritocracy, through the interpretive framework of the processes of identity construction (Sciolla 2010).

Singularization, combined with neoliberal logic, builds talent on an ambiguous basis. Despite the pre-social “gift” being recognized, talent is at the same time perceived as the outcome of an entrepreneurial work of the individual on himself. “Self-made-talent” is therefore an identified gift that requires educational and promotional support for its development. This kind of effort finds a strong resonance with the spirit of sacrifice that also connotes the meritocratic logic. Indeed, the definition of “merit” is based on a natural intelligence and effort (Young 1962), within a process of recognition and promotion of talent itself. The success or failure of “self-made-talent” is determined by individual commitment, assuming therefore that the universalistic approach corresponds to egalitarian demands.

The main topic of this contribution is to reaffirm that the logic of talent and meritocracy rewards differences in terms of exceptional singularity, tending to legitimize much more drastic social inequalities (Bourdieu, Passeron 1971). Secondly, the intention is to understand how these logics interact with identity, through its integrative and selective dimensions (Sciolla 2010). Specifically, we intend to investigate the risks of inequalities in the recognition of the singular and, consequently, the composition of social destinies.

Starting from the theoretical framework proposed above, an empirical basis of a larger study will be used to understand the processes of singularization of “Gen Z”, through a quali-quantitative analysis. In a more specific way, the main target will be students attending the last year of high school, a moment representing the transition to adult life. The proposed analysis will first attempt to identify the codes of the concepts of talent and merit, used by this generation, emerged from the questionnaire tool (n. 550). Subsequently, these same codes will build the structure of the interviews with students (n. 30), which will aim to grasp the links between identity, perception of talent and meritocratic logic.

In this way, we criticize the ability - and the will - of the schooling system to elicitate and cultivate talent. As it often happens when the absence of "perfect market" conditions is recognized, the “self-made-talent” rhetoric appears to be socially constructed, as well as to have its roots on important inequalities. Despite the phenomenon explained above is often interpreted as a failure of the individual, the objective is to demonstrate haw it rests on wider and complex cultural processes.

This contribution lies on the idea of singularization (Reckwitz 2020). This concept explains the re-configuration of society through the social logic of particularity, in opposition to the general logic proposed by classical modernity. The logic of singularity enhances the particular as an expression of a spasmodic search for what is unique and unconventional. Singularization is also heavily linked to the neoliberal processes which, have had a progressive social impact. The main focus of this contribution is the educational field and, more specifically, its role of education agency par excellence. Indeed, by means of today’s public educational institutions it is possible to intercept the results of neoliberalisation and singularization processes concerning society as a whole.

“Progressive neoliberalism” (Fraser 2014) is capable of capturing instances of various kinds and it becomes part of the educational institution – private as well as public – through the marketization of education. The main neoliberal representation of the schooling system uses the processes of knowledge transmission in its redefinition of skills and in the development of the “best” possible human capital (Laval, Vergne 2022). As a consequence of these phenomena, public schools engage in the construction of a profile that makes them truly unique and innovative (in terms of the training offered, the teaching staff and, not secondarily, on who to direct this offer). This tendency towards profiling encourages competition both between institutions and between curriculums. The outcome of this competitive dynamic causes inevitable gaps and inequalities between schools that have the tools to adapt to the new standard of singularization and those who do not.

This work aims to investigate the hypotheses described above through a case study aimed at understanding the “school field” (Piztalis 2021). Specifically, the case study is centered on an Italian “school campus” composed by 1300 students and 66 classes. The latter includes several curricula: “Liceo classico”, “Liceo scientifico”, “Istituto tecnico settore economico” and “Istituto professionale”. The case has been chosen through a previous exploratory investigation aimed at identifying contexts in which polarizations are detected. The presentation will give back the results of an analysis of 20 interviews with teachers and an analysis of 100 surveys.

This critical approach allows us to understand how segregation reduces the sense of community. Consequently, the absence of a sense of community prevents the individualization and singularization that neoliberalism promotes. This work aims to rethink educational institutions in order to reassign to the schools their democratic role. To do so, it is necessary to refuse the spread of inequalities in the schooling system.

Building on the notion of educational commons (Means et al. 2017; Pechtelidis & Kioupkiolis, 2020; Cappello & Siino 2022, 2023) this paper intends to explore policymakers’ views on educational inequalities and how such notion can foster innovative multi-stakeholder policies and actions based on values such as equality, freedom, and active participation. We present the main findings that emerged from the analysis of a textual corpus obtained from interviews with a sample of Italian policymakers carried out within the Horizon 2020 project SMOOTH.

Our research questions followed two different lines of enquiry. The first concerned the perception and definition of educational inequalities by policymakers: how are they perceived and defined? What is their origin? To what extent is the educational dimension present in policies aimed at vulnerable young people? What factors accentuate or reduce them? How important is it to invest in education?

The second line of enquiry concerns actions and impact: what should a policymaker consider when planning an intervention to reduce educational inequalities? What are the strengths and weaknesses of the educational policies implemented in local areas? Which actions have contributed to reducing inequalities? How should they be evaluated and assessed? In other words, what should a policymaker consider when planning an intervention to reduce educational inequalities?

We carried out qualitative fieldwork using two tools: in-depth interview and focus group. In total, we carried out 5 in-depth interviews and 1 focus group with policymakers from different institutional levels operating in public and private organisations, selected as privileged witnesses with respect to the topics discussed.

The analysis of the transcripts aimed at bringing out, using their 'vocabulary', the narratives, images, emotions, metaphors, and suggestions of those involved and allowed us to reconstruct their discourses and value systems, as well as to identify and compare similarities and divergences between subjects with different backgrounds (e.g. between policymakers of public bodies or NGOs). The analysis of the textual corpus was carried out with T-LAB, a qualitative-quantitative content analysis software.

For the last 40 years, targeted programs have been developed as the main strategies to deal with educational inequalities in “northern” countries. In France, while the first targeted policies in the 1980’s identified a hole territory or zone and aimed to work with socio-economic and cultural inequalities of the whole population, nowadays programs target individuals to deal with thein singular situation (Glasman, 2010; Rochex, 2010). And his is the reality in many other European countries (Demeuse et al. 2008).

Our research studies the implementation of “Cités éducatives” (CE), a french national policy implemented in 2019 for social justice in disadvantaged neighborhoods. The CE is organized around three strategic objectives: Strengthening the role of the school; Promoting educational continuity; Opening the field of possibilities for the youth (0-25 years old). The blurriness of these objectives (Lessard and Carpentier, 2015) allows each territory to interpret them in their own terms (Jobert, 1992) and, at first glance, have a quite significant role to define specific content. These objectives will be rendered into territorial objectives (present in the labeling files) and will then be translated into a program of annual actions.

Taking part in the CE’s evaluation process, our research analyzes the implementation of this policy in two urban areas with particularly disadvantaged socio-economic and educational indicators. We analyze the dissolution of schooling into a very broad definition of “education” in which educational success seems to depend on what happens outside of school (Charlot, 1994) as well as on the individual and personal characteristics of children and young people. Indeed, we show that the actions deployed mobilize a psychologizing and medicalizing (Morel, 2014) vision of students' difficulties, analyzed as singular problems, individual disorders, where sociocultural arguments lose ground. Contrary to the social “miserabilism” of the first actions of targeted programs, we demonstrate a strong individualization of public action. We will highlight the limits of these strategies as a real means of dealing with educational inequalities. Actually they naturalize and essentialize inequalities and create new strategies of differentiation.

Our corpus is made up of documents and data produced by two CEs such as application files for labeling, project reviews, action sheets, reports of the various meetings (steering committee, project team, management meetings). Participant observations of these meetings and interviews with the actors responsible for steering the CEs complement these materials.