The acculturation gap-distress model suggests that acculturation gaps, i.e. discrepancies in acculturation orientations between parents and their children, result in negative consequences for children with an immigrant background (Portes & Rumbaut, 1996), including less favorable academic outcomes (e.g., Telzer, 2016). According to a common two-dimensional approach (e.g., Berry, 2006), these orientations refer to the mainstream culture and to the heritage culture. While existing studies predominantly focus on consequences of when children adjust faster and stronger to the mainstream culture than their parents, little is known about the manifestations of these gaps and the conditions under which they emerge, particularly in the German context (but see Aumann & Titzmann, 2018). This seems particularly relevant as findings from international studies have shown that different types of acculturation gaps exist and that the causes and consequences of these gaps vary depending on the cultural context (cf. Aumann & Titzmann, 2018; Telzer, 2010).

The present study addresses this issue and investigates the manifestations and conditions of acculturation gaps in multiple domains in immigrant families in Germany of different heritage. We do this through a person-centered approach, conducting Latent Profile Analysis (LPA), which enables us to empirically identify significantly meaningful acculturation gaps.

Research questions read:

1) What acculturation gaps can be identified in different domains of acculturation?

2) What profiles of acculturation gaps can be empirically determined by LPA?

3) What conditions at the individual, family, and school level are related to the identified profiles in different domains?

The study analyzes data from Starting Cohort 3 of the National Educational Panel Study (NEPS). There are data on several domains of acculturation (cultural identity, language competence, language use) which have been assessed bi-dimensionally, i.e. pertaining to German culture and pertaining to heritage culture. Acculturation orientations were reported independently by the students from immigrant families and one of their parents, resulting in about N = 415 parent-child dyads.

First, we descriptively analyze acculturation gaps in multiple domains. Subtracting the parent’s level of acculturation from their child’s, we calculated (1) matches (if parent-acculturation equals child-acculturation) and mismatches (if parent-child-acculturation is discrepant), and (2) difference scores to examine the direction of the mismatch. Next, we identify distinct acculturation gaps in multiple cultural domains running latent profile analysis. Finally, we conduct regression analysis to investigate possible interrelations with characteristics at the individual, family, and school level.

Initial inspection of the data reveals matching as well as discrepant acculturation orientations in both directions, indicating four types of acculturation gaps. In terms of cultural identity, one third of children matches with their parent regarding German identity (33.2%), and about a quarter matches regarding ethnic identity (27.2%). Interestingly, in only 19.9% of dyads children identified more strongly with Germany than their parent, whereas in 46.9% of dyads children were less identified. On the opposite, in 46.5% of dyads children identified more strongly with their ethnic origin than their parents, whereas in 26.3% of dyads children were less identified. Relating to subjective language competence, 27.3% of dyads have matching competencies in German language and 17.0% in heritage language. Calculating difference scores shows that in the majority of dyads, children’s self-reported competencies in German language exceed those of their parent (51.8%), while in 20.9% parents exceed their children’s competencies. The opposite is the case with regard to heritage language competencies: In 65.3% of dyads parents exceed their children, while in 17.7% children exceed their parents. Fully investigating multiple domains of acculturation and running LPA will shed more light on the prevalence of acculturation gaps in immigrant families in Germany. The study’s hypotheses and planned analyses will be preregistered at the Open Science Framework (https://osf.io).

Theoretical background

In an increasingly diverse world, conversations about race, ethnicity, and discrimination are imperative for parents. Psychological research recognizes these dialogues as ethnic-racial socialization (ERS; Wang et al., 2020). Yet, a significant knowledge gap exists concerning the content and effects of ERS, particularly within majority families and beyond the US.

ERS has been mostly studied among ethnic-racial minority families in the US, focusing on its components cultural socialization, preparation for bias, and promotion of mistrust (Huguley et al., 2019; Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020). Extensive research has shown the positive impact of some dimensions of ERS, specifically cultural socialization, on identity development, psychosocial adjustment and academic outcomes of children from minority families (Huguley et al., 2019; Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020; Wang et al., 2020). However, the meaning of ERS for children from majority families, particularly in the context of education, remains poorly understood (but see Seider et al., 2023). Furthermore, existing scales of ERS have been developed with a focus on ethnic minorities. Recent studies examining how White American parents discuss race with their children identified two broad themes distinct from the previously described components: most White parents seem to endorse a colour-blind approach and only some communicate colour-consciousness (Abaied & Perry, 2021; Cox et al., 2022). While some studies summarize downplaying the importance of race and actively avoiding discussions of race under colour-blindness (Zucker & Patterson, 2018), others support a distinction of those strategies (Pahlke et al., 2021). Additionally, many parents seem to communicate mixed messages, which further supports extending the above-mentioned binary (Abaied & Perry, 2021; Freeman et al., 2022). Overall, White parents’ ERS practices seem to be multi-layered but distinct from those of ethnic minorities and continue to be under-researched, especially outside the US. Little is known also about the effects of ERS on majority children. Accordingly, the current study investigates the content of minority and majority parents’ ERS practices and their associations with school belonging in Germany and the UK.

Method

A mixed-methods approach is used. Associations between ERS and parents’ belonging to their children’s school and parent-reported child school belonging are analysed quantitatively. Then, the content of ERS is examined via thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Identified themes will be linked to an ERS scale, verifying whether it fully captures ERS, specifically in majority families. Data in the UK stems from N = 525 parents of school aged children (n = 273 majority; n = 252 minority; 73.1% female; mean age 39.87). In Germany, N = 643 parents were questioned (n = 301 majority; n = 342 minority; 56.5% female; mean age 39.83).

Results

Regression analysis confirmed prior findings on effects of ERS dimensions in ethnic minority families: Cultural socialization was associated with higher parental and child school belonging in both countries. Conversely, preparation for bias was negatively related to both outcomes. In the UK, mistrust was associated with lower parental school belonging only while in Germany it was associated with lower parental and child school belonging. Looking at majority families, only the positive effect of cultural socialization on child school belonging was significant in both countries. In majority families in Germany, this was true also for parental school belonging. Furthermore, here mistrust was related to lower parental and child school belonging. Qualitative results showed that majority parents in both countries endorse similar approaches to ERS which do not fully map on ethnic minority ERS practices. Additionally, two new themes emerged: schools’ responsibility for ERS and ERS as a joint learning context.

Overall, results illuminate nuances in ERS practices and their effects in ethnic minority and majority families across different national contexts.

For minorized adolescents, those with higher attachment to their ethnic-racial or cultural identity demonstrate higher academic achievement than those with lower attachment to their ethnic-racial or cultural identity (Miller-Cotto & Byrnes, 2016). We know that adolescents develop an understanding of their ethnic-racial and cultural identity through ethnic-racial socialization, defined as “the myriad ways that varied agents of socialization transmit messages about ethnicity, culture, and race to children (Hughes & Watford, 2021, p. 3). Ethnic-racial socialization occurs in various social contexts, such as families, schools, and peer groups. Most research has focused on social contexts separately. For instance, family (especially parental) (Umaña‐Taylor & Hill, 2020) and school ethnic-racial socialization (Saleem & Byrd, 2021; Schachner et al., 2021) relate to adolescents’ ethnic-racial or cultural identity development. Nevertheless, because adolescents negotiate the complex socialization messages from both family and school, it is important to examine the two contexts together. The ways adolescents understand and define their ethnic-racial or cultural identity may differ if the messages they receive in one context (e.g., family) and the messages they receive in another context (e.g., school) are congruent or incongruent (Wang & Benner, 2016).

Our study explored the separate and interacting relations of family (cultural socialization/pluralism, preparation for bias, promotion of mistrust) and school (equal treatment, intercultural learning) socialization with cultural (heritage culture and German) identity among adolescents of immigrant descent. Analyses were based on survey data from 311 early to mid-adolescents in Germany (Mage= 13.85, SD = 1.82). We tested the direct paths and added the interaction terms one at a time. Later, we performed simple slope analyses to explore significant interactions.

Higher family cultural socialization/pluralism and intercultural learning at school were related to higher heritage culture identity and higher equal treatment at school was related to lower heritage culture identity. Higher intercultural learning and equal treatment at school were related to higher German identity. Family preparation for bias and promotion of mistrust had no direct relation to heritage culture and German identity. Thus, school socialization had more direct relations to cultural identity than family socialization. Interactions of the two contexts had enhancing and compensating relations to heritage culture but not to German identity. These findings highlight the importance of school context and expand our understanding of the complementary roles of school and family in supporting cultural identity development.

In times of increasing diversity and continuing heritage-based educational disparities schools are particularly challenged with creating a climate where pupils, staff and parents can thrive, feel able to engage and belong. Parental involvement, as one indicator of an effective, positive school climate, generally refers to parents cognitive, affective and behavioral involvement in school matters at home and at school. It is thought to be especially beneficial for the school adaptation of children who have ethnic-racial minority backgrounds, because it can help to reduce educational disparities in school belonging and achievement (Jeynes, 2003; Kim et al., 2020). However, ethnic minority parents have been found to be less likely to be actively involved in their children’s schooling than majority parents (Kim et al., 2020). This may be due to several barriers to involvement, such as low income, language gaps and concerns regarding their ability to provide educational assistance to their children (e.g., Desforges & Abouchaar, 2003). Other barriers may be more strongly related to interethnic relations within the school context (e.g., perceptions of racism or disparate cultural values, Wild, 2021).

Research on how schools promote interethnic relations, has considered several diversity approaches, including discrimination, assimilation, and multiculturalism. These approaches are known to have differential consequences for students’ school adjustment, as demonstrated by school policy statements (e.g., Celeste et al., 2019), student perceptions (e.g., Baysu et al., 2016; Schachner et al., 2016) and teacher beliefs and self-reported behavior (Schotte et al., 2021; Schwarzenthal et al., 2023). However, parental perceptions of school diversity and diversity approaches are currently under-researched, and little is known about whether and how they can promote or inhibit parental involvement. Our study therefore considered the following research questions: 1.) How do ethnic minority parents perceive the diversity approaches of their children’s schools? 2.) How is the perceived school diversity approach related to parental involvement? Specifically, we investigated the perceptions of the diversity approaches of their child’s school in 342 minority parents (68% female, Mage = 37, SD = 9) and examined their relations to several aspects of their school involvement (e.g., their volunteering, school endorsement, relationship to the teacher, and feelings of inclusion). Regression analysis largely supported our assumptions: Perceptions of a multicultural school diversity approach were positively related to all aspects of parental involvement (βs > .19, ps ≤ .001), highlighting the importance of creating school environments that discuss and include cultures represented within them. A discriminatory climate was negatively related to parental involvement (βs > -.19, ps ≤ .009), except for volunteering where the relationship was positive (β = .196, p < .001). Thus, parents who perceived discrimination feel less included, report lower relationship quality to teachers, and endorse their children’s schools less, while getting more involved. Follow-up exploratory analyses indicate that this is especially true for their provision of supplementary school materials. Unexpectedly, an assimilationist climate was positively related to all facets of parental involvement (βs > .12, ps ≤ .026), though less strongly than multiculturalism. Our findings show first evidence that school diversity approaches matter for parental involvement. Thus, schools wanting to increase parental involvement from ethnic minority groups may benefit from explicitly evaluating and communicating their approaches to diversity. This may, in turn, help to address existing educational disparities.