Politicized By Crisis: Ideological Currents And Attitudinal Dynamics Amid the Greek Youth
1King's College London, U.K; 2University of the Aegean, Greece; 3National Centre for Public Administration and Local Government (EKDDA), Greece; 4Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain
The aim of this paper is to illuminate the main ideological currents that underlie and shape the political culture of the Greek youth in the (post-)crisis era. Our definition of youth follows the standard U.N. convention, i.e. persons between the ages of 15 and 24, but our field research has a rather narrower focus centring on the analysis of the ideologico-political profile of university students. This is so for two main reasons: a) the centrality of the university milieus vis-à-vis youth politicization, and b) the determining impact of the student movement on shaping the political culture of the entire social category. It is worth noting in this regard that from the late 50s up until the December 2008 youth revolt universities became a hotbed of political radicalization with university students leading or being at the forefront of all the major socio-political contests. This resulted in the formation of a distinctive political culture that radiated from campuses to political parties and civil society organizations.
In this context, and stimulated by the sharp decline of student mobilization and student union membership during the crisis we have conducted a PanHellenic student survey with a sample of 1.100 respondents so as to illuminate the root causes of the phenomenon. Our analysis indicates that students’ attitudinal profile remains relatively distinctive and more left-wing than the population at large but exhibits a clear tendency towards normalization. Political radicalism and interest in politics is in decline, while there are evident changes as to the means and patterns of youth politicization.
Indicators and Consequences Of Tertiary Education Impoverishment In A Country Being Led To Bankruptcy. The Case Of Greece.
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
The first Economic Adjusted Programme for Greece was signed on May 2010 aiming to help the country fulfill its financial obligations and respond to the government dept-crisis. Up until today three similar memorandums have been signed between the Greek government and the European Commission, on behalf of the Eurogroup, the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Various measures have been implemented in the context of this financial memorandum, mainly aiming to reduce the size of the public sector and minimize the expenses in the annual state budget. As expected, the educational sector was also affected, not only in the annual state budget percentage attributed to this sector, but also in aspects concerning its organization, its function, the salaries and the work conditions of the teaching personnel in all levels of education, and consequently the quality of the provided education.
Thus, the present study aims to describe and interpret the impoverishment of the Greek tertiary education, using indicators related to the level of efficiency and quality in Greek Universities and the job satisfaction of academics and researchers. Starting from a macro-level approach, we proceeded with a metadata analysis of PISA results and a study of Greek universities world ranking from 2009 up to 2019. Moving to a micro-level approach, we realized semi-structured interviews with professors and researchers in the country’s top universities, in order to examine their job satisfaction levels and understand their opinions on the consequences of the Greek tertiary education impoverishment.
Gender, childcare and the crisis in (post)austerity Southern European societies. A cross-national comparison between France and Spain.
Toulouse 2, France
This proposal addresses, from a comparative perspective, the gendered consequences of recent transformations in childcare policy within Southern European countries. Indeed, since the most serious economic crisis EU had ever known, the EU have encouraged budgetary restrictions for all its members. However, feminist scholars have demonstrated the major (direct and indirect) impact of childcare regulations on working life and social living conditions, specially for women.
To what extend Southern European member states have cut down welfare services and benefits that women relied on? Does it lead to a new trend in the promotion of gender equality? How does this austerity turn fit with the neoliberal gender equality model? To answer these questions, I will explore and compare, from a gender perspective, the recent evolutions of (child)care politicies and debates in 2 Southern European countries studied in the INCASI EU-funded project: France and Spain.
I will first characterize their different positions on the (gender) welfare states typologies: France, as a corporatist welfare state; Spain as Mediterranean/Latin welfare state. While these 2 countries were differently impacted by the so-called “2008 crisis”, I will then show how they have all embrace a liberal policy turn as far as care policies are concerned. Drawing on a comparative analysis of the last 10 years childcare policies, as well as on a feminist theoretical background, I will argue that this (gender-blind) economic priority has, far from undoing gender norms, contributed to promote a new form of "maternalism". Finally, I will highlight how different childcare policies have similarly combined both liberal and conservative injunctions for mothers: being rational and autonomous economics actors and first care givers.
The Gender Impact of The Crisis in Southern European Countries: So Similar, So Different?
Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain
Southern Europe countries share numerous cultural and historical connections, but they nevertheless offer a very disparate panorama from the point of view of female labor participation and gender balance. Historically, women have participated intensively in the labor market in Portugal, making this country an anomaly in the context of Mediterranean welfare states. On the other side, Italy, Greece, Spain represented a typical example of 'male breadwinner model’ until the mid-nineties, with one of the lowest employment rates in the EU. The expansionary cycle prior to the crisis doubled the number of women employed in Spain, significantly reducing the gap in the employment rate with the European average (from 15.7 to 4.2 percentage points). This trend of convergence has been halted by the crisis, especially for women with lower educational levels and younger. At the same time, the gender gap was reduced in these countries during the crisis, mainly by the selective impact of the crisis on male employment. This paper is aimed at exploring the gender impact of the crisis and fiscal austerity for Southern European countries, trying to detect commonalities and differences across them.