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RN21_03: The subjectivities of societal exclusion and belonging
4:00pm - 5:30pm
Session Chair: Iasonas Lamprianou, University of Cyprus
Location:GM.326 Manchester Metropolitan University
Building: Geoffrey Manton, Third Floor
4 Rosamond Street West
Off Oxford Road
Europe - A Community Of Shared Values? The Empirical Construction Of European Values Spaces Using Multiple Correspondence Analysis
University of Bonn, Germany
Since the beginning of European integration, the European Union is regarded to be a community of shared values. And the European population is supposed to have a collective identity, being the result of shared culture and history. Instead of being a homogenous group, this empirical analysis makes clear that European citizens and nations are, in terms of their value preferences, rather heterogeneous and divided.
European Values Spaces are empirically constructed by using Multiple Correspondence Analysis (MCA) with data from the European Social Survey. Values are operationalized with the Human Values Scale by Shalom H. Schwartz. The centred, recoded ten basic human values of Schwartz are used as active variables constructing the correspondece space. The nationalities of respondents are added as passive variable. The first MCA constructs European community of shared values with data from the latest ESS round (2016). It can be shown, that Western and Eastern European countries differ very much in terms of their value preferences. Religious differences become visible too.
The second MCA reveals the development of national value priorities over time, using data from the first (2002), the fourth (2008) and the latest ESS round (2016). Based on these three data sets a shared values space is constructed in order to visualize the spatial movement of nations over time. Results show, that European nations are getting wider and wider apart from each other from 2002 to 2016. In this sense European nations are not on the road becoming a community of shared values. Instead the empirical findings reveal, that the borders between European nations get stronger in the light of European crises.
European, National and Regional Identities in the UK: An Examination Using Data from a VAA for the 2017 UK General Election
Vasilis Manavopoulos, Vasiliki Triga
Cyprus University of Technology, Cyprus
More than two years following the referendum that decided the country’s departure from the EU, “Brexit” continues to be a major point of contention and as late as February 2019, two months prior to the set exit-date, substantively different preferences for the future UK-EU relationship continue to be debated in the British Parliament. Surveys suggest that this ambivalence is reflected in the attitudes of the population with, e.g., the latest relevant Eurobarometer (EB89, Spring 2018) reporting that 25% of respondents perceived themselves “definitely” as EU citizens, while 31% responded either “definitely not” or “not really”. This study examines the relationship between European, national and “regional” (in the sense of constituent countries) identity among the British electorate using data from a Voting Advice Application (VAA) , an online plaform providing voters with measures of closeness to political parties contesting an election, after users declare their agreement or disagreement on policy-related questions. The “WhoGetsMyVoteUK” VAA, designed for the 2017 UK General Election, included three 10-point scales requesting that users report how well three adjectives describe themselves: European, British, English (Scottish etc.). We employ Cluster Analysis to attempt an examination of the degree to which these different identities can be in accord or are in conflict, analysing the four constituent countries of the UK (England, Scotland, Wales, N. Ireland) separately. Finally, we proceed to examine how different identity types (national-only, cosmopolitan, mixed etc.) are distributed among different groups in the population defined by demographic and political identity variables.
Carrying The Shackles Beyond The Walls: The Long-Lasting Effects Of Prisons On Recidivism
The University of Manchester, United Kingdom
The revolving door is nearly unanimously seen as highly undesirable, but who is to blame when someone who has been released from prison relapses into crime and returns to prison?
Simplistic solutions are often quoted, such as harsher sentences, stricter policing, etc. On the other side of the road, some advocate for providing ex-offenders with financial support, help in finding jobs, etc.
In this research, individuals, as well as their wider social and institutional surroundings, were analysed to debunk the widespread myth that re-offending is the sole responsibility of the persons committing it.
Advanced statistical methods were used to obtain prison-specific scores that inform how each prison contributed to their own former inmates’ propensity towards re-offending. This is a resisted notion since it is argued that prisons cannot be accountable for something occurring after the institutions have fulfilled their duty. I argue against this and show that prisons have long-standing effects on individuals. This is the result of a combination of factors that are uniquely attributable to prisons, such as staff ratio, overcrowding, health provision, education and psychological support (or lack thereof).
Beyond the boundaries of the prisons, this research also comes to the realisation that geographical inequalities play a substantial role, by showing that some territories are more favourable for the social reintegration of ex-offenders than others.
This research sought to reinstate the discussion and focus on our responsibility as a society and the need to look at reoffending through a wider, more precise and ultimately fairer lens.