Following participants after demonstrations: The evolution of their motives for participating
University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain
Social movement studies tend to investigate participants intentions to demonstrate, their past participation or their reasons to attend a particular protest. In this study we want to go a step further and study how their motives suffer changes (if they do) after the mobilization takes place. Recent studies show that those who participate develop psychological well being after participation, so we want to find out if this is true, and how this affects future participation.
For doing so we interviewed participants of a Union demonstration (n=185). We measure traditional variables of collective action (collective action frames, perceptions and attitudes towards political system, moral obligation and emotions). In this first step we found that there are two types of participants depending on their intensity of participation: occasionals and regulars, who also differ in their reasons for mobilization. The next step is, months after the protest, contact participants to measure again these motives and also their psychological and social well being.
We expect to confirm that those participants who participate regularly will score higher in psychological and social well being, as well as will keep their motivations intact, which will make them more willing to participate in future demonstrations. Occasional participants, who keep their motivations and psychosocial well being in similar levels as regulars, will be also motivated for future mobilizations, whereas those who experience a decrease will withdraw their commitment.
This study contributes to the literature giving understanding on what lead participants to become regulars and keep up with their commitment.
The role of moral obligation and other psychosocial variables on protest participation intention.
1University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain; 2Instituto Tecnológico Metropolitano, Medellín, Colombia
The main goal of this study is to analyze the predictive strength of moral obligation and other psychosocial variables on the intention to participate in future acts of protests. In order to so, a random sample was gathered in the so called “dignity marches”. Sample was composed of 640 protesters and 563 non-protesters. Three groups were formed based on participation intention: protesters with high intention of future participation, non-protesters with high intention of future participation and non-protesters with low intention of future participation.
The data analysis consisted in a logistic regression, with the aim of find out which variables better predict intention to participate within both protesters and non-protesters. An ANOVA analysis was also performed to examine the differences in the intention to participate between the three groups.
The variables that better tell apart those with high intention of future participation from those with low intentions of future participation are: moral obligation, injustice, identification, past activism and positive emotions. As expected the factor ANOVA shows more significative differences between the group of protesters and the group of non-protesters with low intention of future participation, than between protesters and high intention non-protesters. These last two groups only show significative differences in two variables: moral obligation and past activism (the protester group scoring higher in both them).
Given moral obligation's predictive strength and its potential as a differentiator between groups with different levels of participation intention, its role in activism prediction is analyzed.
Gezi Movement's Collective Identity and Social Networking Sites in the Gezi Movement’s Construction of Collective Identity
University of Westminster, United Kingdom
Employing the analytical collective identity concept of Melucci, the research will examine the construction of collective identity in Gezi protests and the role of social networking sites in this process through three years after the birth of Gezi.
In recent social movements, communication linking both of the spaces has formed a hybrid of communication forms including digital and face to face interaction, on the grounds of interpersonal interaction, social networking and content sharing. Also, the emergence of SNS have presented new dynamics and challenges for interactions, self-representation, personal expression and alternative media.
The construction of collective identity is of crucial importance to the formation of the solidarity and maintenance of the movements over time. There is also an empirical gap in the literature that investigates the process of collective identity construction in the latent phase of movements. This research will shed light on the formation of the solidarity between diverse actors taking part in the protest and changing conceptions on different identities and democracy, attitudes in media consumption, as well as the connections, interactions, negotiations and expressions taking part in the process, on both online and offline spheres, in both visible and latent phase of Gezi protests. The study tries to combine social movements, communication and identity concept.
A multi-methodological approach will be adopted through an ethnographic analysis of Twitter accounts of the activists, to be combined with qualitative in-depth interviews. The research identifies the most relevant actors, namely the Twitter users engaged with the collective identity of Gezi, through the analysis of hastagged communication based on influence and activity measures.
Collective identity, social movements, Gezi protests, communication, social networking sites, social media
The 2013/14 EuroMaidan protest movement in Ukraine and active engagement in civic organizations
1Institute of Sociology of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Ukraine; 2TV channel "Ukrayina" ("Ukraine")
One prominent debate concerning Social Movements is that about their impact on active engagement in civic organizations and, consequently, on Social Capital development (Inglehart, 1997; Inglehart and Welzel, 2006; Putnam, 2004).
Ukrainian statistics show that engagement into civic organizations decreased significantly during the Yanukovich presidency (2010-2014) to sharply rise again during and after the so called EuroMaidan Revolution, reaching an historical high of 18% engagement amongst people 18 y.o. and older in 2016.
Drawing data from the national-wide survey Ukrainian Society, carried out by the Institute of Sociology of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine since 1992, we have observed that key characteristics of those who declared having participated in the EuroMaidan in 2014 and 2015 are strikingly similar to those who declare belonging to a civic organization.
Active participants in EuroMaidan and civic organizations have bigger locus control, they are more interested in politics and have clear political orientation, they are more satisfied with their life, they are more willing to protests if their rights and interests are violated, and their feelings towards their own future and future of Ukraine are more positive when compared to those not engaged into civic organizations or not having participated in the EuroMaidan movement.
EuroMaidan movement may not have consolidated by creating its own organization or bureaucracy but may have played a decisive role in promoting individuals to engage more actively in their local communities.
Such results, consistent with those from Stepanenko (2015), may be interpreted as evidence in favour of Inglehart’s approach, according to which Social Movements enhance active engagement in civic organizations, improving the national stock of Social Capital.
How to change the world when you are depressed: Social activism in the post-Gezi period in Turkey
Activists engage in the construction of their self (subjectivation) as they become actors. The process of subjectivation goes along with a certain degree of inter-subjectivity: meeting other persons in the frame of movements, and transforming oneself through the encounter with the other but also through the experience of the movement. Nevertheless, in the context of an authoritarian-state we are confronted to a rapid shift of daily priorities: in the one hand there are protests and gatherings scheduled in advance, and on the other hand urgent calls are continuously made (like the case of recent post-coup purge against academics). After the Gezi movement, seen by activists as a source of hope, to be confronted to this flow of changing priorities generates a certain degree of powerlessness that often that pairs with despair and inability to act. Based on my PhD fieldwork (31 in-depth interviews with and two focus-groups), this article explores how Gezi Park activists, coming from various backgrounds, constructed themselves as subjects (an individual who takes himself as a principle of meaning) and actors within the Gezi movement and then delves into different facets of the post-movement depression (for example anguish, despair, trauma, polarization or responsibility) and at last, focuses on how the latter affects the present of social activism in Turkey and prefiguration of activists for the future.