Introduction

Earlier research shows that maternal anxiety and depressive symptoms are associated with adverse child outcomes, such as, higher behavioral problems and lower social competence. Therefore, it is important to consider environmental factors that could protect children at risk from higher symptoms. Participation in out-of-home childcare or parental supportive social networks may have an important protective effect against the disadvantages of the family environment. However, previous research on such associations is still scarce.

Methods

A total of 1375 children were drawn from the FinnBrain Birth Cohort Study. Children participated either in non-parental out-of-home childcare, or they were cared for at home by their parent. We conducted models examining maternal composite of prenatal (gw.14, 24 and 34) and postnatal (3, 6, 12 and 24mo) anxiety (SCL-90) and depressive (EPDS) symptoms and child’s social competence and socio-emotional problems (BITSEA) at the age of 2 years. Further, the moderating effects of childcare participation and mothers’ social networks were analyzed.

Results

As expected, maternal pre- and postnatal and current psychological distress associated with child’s higher behavioral problems at the age of 2 years. However, participation in out-of-home childcare mitigated the associations between maternal current symptoms and child behavioral problems (family-based out-of-home childcare β=-0.75 p=<0.001; center-based out-of-home childcare β=-0.36 p=0.01). Moreover, maternal supportive social networks were positively associated with child’s higher social competence and lower behavioral problems, but moderating effect was not found.

Discussion

Non-parental out-of-home childcare may play an important protective role for a child development by diminishing the well-established associations between maternal distress and child socio-emotional problems. Moreover, rich social networks are important resources for families with young children and may support child socio-emotional development. Our findings suggest that it is important to foster these protective factors in family and child health care, in particular, when the parents experience higher psychological strain.

High-quality early childhood education and care (ECEC) centers can serve as a protective environment for infants and toddlers, providing enriched experiences and relationships (Burchinal et al., 2015; Hamre, 2014). In deprived social and economic environments, opportunities for quality interactions between children and adults are important to minimise the potential negative impact of adversity (Shonkoff et al., 2012). Previous research has also consistently linked the high quality of pedagogical practices with greater gains in children's engagement and development (e.g., Burchinal et al., 2015; Pinto et al., 2019). To enhance childcare professionals’ high-quality pedagogical practices, an evidence based multilevel professional development model, the Development and Education in Childcare (DEC), was developed and tested. DEC components include collaborative consultation, discussion groups, specialized training and leadership support. Within this framework, we aim to test the associations of the professionals’ interaction quality on child engagement and development in childcare centers. To this purpose, 107 ECEC professionals and 424 infants and toddlers from 31 classrooms distributed by eight childcare centers in four Portuguese regions participated in this study, during three school years. The following procedures were adopted: (a) each classroom was observed at the beginning and at the end of each school year, using the Classroom Assessment Scoring System (CLASS; Pianta, La Paro, & Hamre, 2008) and the Individual Child Engagement Record — Revised (ICER-R; Kishida et al., 2008); and (b) child development was assessed by Caregiver reported early development instrument (CREDI; McCoy et al., 2017) and Brief Infant-Toddler Social-emotional Assessment (BITSEA; Briggs-Gowan & Carter, 2002, 2004). Results will be analyzed on a range of psychometric measures from pre- to post-test. We expect to contribute to the knowledge of factors related with early childhood development, identifying potential associations of the quality of adult-child interactions and children engagement.

Political ideology guides individuals’ perceptions, goals, and behaviors in the socio-political arena, with profound societal consequences. Prior research on the emergence of individual differences in ideological orientation points to early adulthood as the critical age at which such differences first manifest. We challenge this conclusion and investigate whether systematic proto-ideological orientations are already present among children as young as 4 years of age. Specifically, we examined individual differences in children’s authoritarian and social dominance attitudes – two central, consequential ideological orientations among adults. To determine whether children’s early attitudes are valid markers of ideological orientations per se, we tested whether these attitudes were systematically related to parents’ ideological orientations, as is the case among young adults. Across two studies with Israeli mothers and their 4- to 8-year-old children (Ns = 154 and 190, respectively), we found systematic individual differences in children’s authoritarian and social dominance attitudes, measured with newly developed, child-appropriate measures: Children’s authoritarian attitudes corresponded to their mothers’ authoritarianism (Study 1), and their social dominance attitudes corresponded to their mothers’ social dominance orientation with regard to hierarchy (but not inequality; Studies 1 and 2). Notably, mother–child correlations were especially strong among children whose mothers were their primary caregivers, hinting at a possible socialization process. Together, these findings suggest that the seeds of ideology are apparent as early as age 4, and highlight the importance of developmental research for a deeper understanding of adult political ideology.

Loneliness refers to a dissatisfaction with one’s network of social relationships and the feeling of spending too much time alone (Perlman & Peplau, 1981). In contrast, results from recent studies among older children, adolescents, and emerging adults (e.g., Coplan et al., 2021; Yang et al., 2023) have also explored the negative impact of aloneliness, which refers to the perception the one is not spending enough time alone and dissatisfaction with ones experiences of solitude (Coplan et al., 2019). To date, no study has investigated the construct of aloneliness among younger children. The aim of the present study was to explore young children's perceptions and beliefs toward a range of solitary and social preferences (i.e., aloneliness, loneliness, unsociability, sociability). Participants were N = 117 children (n = 59 girls, 50.4%), aged 36–77 months (M = 54.88, SD =10.78) attending preschools in Italy. Children were individually interviewed and presented with vignettes depicting hypothetical peers displaying behaviors reflecting different social/solitary preferences (i.e., alonely, lonely, unsociable, sociable; Coplan et al., 2007; Zava et al., 2019). Among the results from repeated measure ANOVAs, children rated the hypothetical alonely peer as having the lowest social motivations and the lonely and sociable peers as having the lowest solitary motivations. Children also reported lower affiliative preference (i.e., wanting to play/be friends with hypothetical peer) toward alonely and unsociable peers as compared to their lonely and sociable counterparts. Finally, lonely peers received higher sympathy compared to the unsociable ones. Some age and gender differences were also found. These findings suggest that young children in Italy have rather sophisticated understanding of different aspects of their peers’ solitary and social preferences.

Children are usually involved in screen activities for learning, playing, entertaining, or being in contact. The use of digital devices may bring benefits and risks. Among the latter, some studies (Mustafaoğlu et al., 2018) found that children who spend much time with smartphones may be deprived of relevant opportunities to develop social skills. They may risk remaining entangled in games or content perceived as more appealing than those in the real world, becoming too lazy to face real interactions and getting used to reaching their goals easily. Therefore, they may experience difficulties in appropriately relating to peers, eventually acting withdrawn or disturbing behaviors, such as bullying.

This work aims to investigate whether time spent on smartphones is directly and indirectly associated with bullying, with the mediation of social competence.

Participants included 317 children (50.5% females) aged 43-107 months (M = 74.88, SD = 14.45). Parents reported the daily frequency of their children’s smartphone use, whereas teachers filled in the Social Competence and Behavior Evaluation scale (LaFreniere & Dumas, 1996). Bullying was assessed using teacher reports, peer nominations, and self-reports (Camodeca et al., 2015).

Results indicated that the use of smartphones was negatively associated with social competence (b = -.12; p < .05), which was negatively related to bullying (peer nominations: b = -0.02, p < .001; Indirect effect: b = .003[.000, .006]; self-reports: b = -0.13, p < .01; Indirect effect: b = .015[.001, .036]; teacher reports: b = -0.29, p < .001; Indirect effect: b = .037[.005,.075]). Direct effects were not significant.

Findings suggest that an excessive smartphone use might facilitate the association between poor social competence and bullying. Results appear particularly relevant given that they hold independently from the informant assessing bullying. A more conscious approach to smartphone usage is encouraged to improve children’s social functioning.